‘Art in 的 Round’:古代钱币象形图的新方法

‘Art in 的 Round’:古代钱币象形图的新方法

Nathan T. Elkins和Stefan Krmnicek(Tübinger Archäologische Forschungen 16)。 Pp。 183无花果178,表2。Marie Leidorf,Rahden,2014年。€53.50。 ISBN 978-3-89646-996-0(布)。


This book is a product of a conference that was intended to bring numismatists together with classicists, historians, art historians, and archaeologists to (according to 的 original call for papers) “explore new directions in 的 study of iconography 上 Graeco‐Roman coinage” (http://coinarchaeology.blogspot.com/2012/04/call-for-papers-art-in-round-new.html). Almost all 的 contributions discuss Roman coinage from 的 Late Republic to 的 Late Imperial period. The contributors are mostly scholars who publish primarily 上 numismatics, but a self-described non-numismatist and art historian (Hölscher) shares 的 pages with historians and an archaeologist. After an introduction, 的 book is broken up into three sections: “Coins, Literature, and 的 Visual Arts,” “特定类型和系列研究中的硬币图示,” and “硬币图像研究中的方法,理论和物质文化。”

The editors note that 的 iconography of coin 类型 is limited by 的 inconsistent “整合考古证据,” a casual “部署比较文本和视觉证据,” a focus 上 particular (and heavily reproduced) specimens, and 的 “intended meaning [of a coin 类型] rather than 的 图像的活体” from which it is derived (6). Some of 的 authors briefly speak to 的 problem of who ordered 的 images (or even who was perceived to have ordered 的 images) to be placed 上 的 coins, but that argument is never fleshed out or even consistently addressed, except by Hölscher (24–5).

Hölscher’s 文章 (“罗马共和国的历史代表”),关于罗马视觉艺术中的历史使用,是他广泛撰写的主题。他认为帝国公共纪念碑和硬币“代表和荣耀皇帝’理想的公共角色和模范美德” through a stable set of images used throughout 的 Imperial period (25). These images resulted from experiments in 的 Republican period, especially 的 Late Republic. The movement of 的se images to 的 imperial repertoire sees 的 shedding of some 类型 of images as no longer used and 的 promotion of others that become beneficial to 的 emperor; even 的 upper classes are seen commissioning 的ir own monuments.

贝克曼(“钱币肖像与大理石半身像的关系”)以传统的方式仔细检查为年轻的福斯蒂娜(Faustina 的 Younger)铸造的金币,方法是检查她的发型以构造不同的肖像类型,并讨论引入这些类型的原因。他通过进行模具研究来更好地理解不断变化的发型的时间顺序,从而为该论证带来了新的面貌。圆形和钱币型肖像类型之间的差异是模切机希望代表的结果“福斯蒂纳的实际差异’s appearance”(例如43),这种变化在幸存的画像中并不总是显而易见。这些变化中只有一部分可以归因于孩子的出生。我对模切刀能够研究多少次皇后变化持怀疑态度’发型以实时描绘这些变化。

斯坦博克’s “硬币类型和拉丁泛希腊语作为帝国传播的手段”特里尔(Trier)法院将两名被告绑架。公元290年和286年至292年之间,里昂铸造的硬币来自其他学者研究了这一联系(如作者所述),但他的贡献专门研究了里昂铸币的硬币,以衡量安东尼尼尼类型的敏感度,以此来指示帝国的关切。 (他的语言可能会使这里的非货币主义者感到困惑,因为他一直指“extant antoniniani” when he means “types”)。这些讲究者可能会论证薄荷对帝国问题的敏感性,但是“图像的活体” mentioned in 的 introduction would surely mean that all 的se 类型, in actual practice, circulated simultaneously, and possibly 上 ly 的 mint officials were privy to such targeted messages.

The second section includes an announcement of 的 forthcoming coin database Digital Iconographic Atlas of Numismatics in Antiquity (DIANA), along with a small case study of Greek coin iconography (Puglisi). I do not know how DIANA will interface with other databases that are currently being developed, but it appears that at some point we may be released from citations of 的 valuable old British Museum collections.

莫利纳里(“公元前三世纪造币时两种带有两面神的罗马类型”) continues this section with a short entry looking at Janus, using sources ranging from 的 fifth(?) century B.C.E. through 1724. Erickson (“宙斯飞往阿波罗,然后再次返回”) approaches 的 use of Zeus and Apollo 上 late Seleucid coins by looking at 的 much-studied coins of Antiochus IV, proposing a new chronology for some coins based 上 的 reverse of Zeus.

马其顿的四个薄荷糖是陶博纳公司的重点’s entry (“关于马其顿罗马殖民地的硬币意象”),根据各自的历史分析各个城市对罗马权威的回应。他区分了“来自周围环境的原住民希腊人的意大利定居者的后代” to find 的 “城市精英的身份” as opposed to 的 “殖民者的身份” (115). More interesting is 的 complex interweaving of new 类型, references to 的 cities’过去,以及传说中的新语言,形成了一种“Romano-Macedonian”文化,是构成多种文化的一种“the” Roman empire.

奎勒(“Portus Augusti”) examines 的 splendid Neronian sestertii depicting 的 harbor at Ostia to reevaluate 的m in conjunction with archaeological evidence. The author is forced to depend 上 a 16th-century print to reconstruct 的 harbor; 的 engraver may have used 的 coin, at least in part, to form 的 print (Cuyler conflates 的 word “die” with “type” and uses “inscription” for “legend”). In doing so, 的 author tries to remind 的 reader that Nero was not just a lyre player but also an emperor with an interest in infrastructure, especially harbors.

威格·沃尔夫(“Constantine’的Ticinum银复本[我笑 36]”) reconsiders 的 appearance of 的 chi-rho 上 a silver coin of 君士坦丁. This coin has long been interesting to religious historians, as it is 的 first time a Christian symbol is found 上 a coin. The author, I believe correctly, argues that 的 Christian message is much overvalued by moderns.

罗恩带着我们回到了共和党后期希腊“殖民地语境中的肖像学。” Building 上 a postcolonial model, Rowan wants to show 的 “diversity of 的 Roman colonial process,” especially as 的 Romans grapple with new “conceptions of power as 的 Roman world moved towards 的 principate”(147)。这是一个合理的案例研究,在罗马省造币中具有更广泛的意义。

Biedermann和Dumke(“Case Studies in Late Republican Coinage in 的 East”) also provide case studies, which begin in 的 late Seleucid and extend to 的 Augustan period. The posthumous coins of Philip I Epiphanes Philadelphos and 的 aurei and denarii of Labienus are meant to be contrasts in 的 “古代钱币设计中可以表达的广泛含义” (167). In both cases, 的 coins in question have been widely discussed; 的 authors hope by placing 的m in wider contexts to find a solution to two intractable problems.

巴巴托(“Flavian Typology”) offers a much-compressed version of her dissertation, a study that tries to determine if different 类型 were sent to different provinces in 的 Roman West as 的 emperors appealed to different audiences, although she does not make use of Hobley’s An Examination of Roman Bronze Coin Distribution in 的 Western Empire AD 81–192 (Oxford 1989). I wonder about her sample size, which ranges from 23 to 476 coins, with no corrective or exploration of whether 的 differences she found in 的 sample were significant.


Temple University

的书评 Art in 的 Round:古代钱币象形图的新方法由Nathan T. Elkins和Stefan Krmnicek编辑


美国考古学杂志 卷120号第一名(2016年1月)

在线发布于 www.ajaonline.org/book-review/2560

DOI:10.3764 / ajaonline1201.Evans



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