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经济学 of Religion in 迈锡尼人World: Resources Dedicated to Religion in 迈锡尼人Palace Economy

经济学 of Religion in 迈锡尼人World: Resources Dedicated to Religion in 迈锡尼人Palace Economy

By Lisa Marie 本德尔. Pp. xvi + 369, tables 72. Oxford University School of Archaeology, Oxford 2007. $80. ISBN 978-1-905905-02-7.

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本德尔’s 经济学 of Religion in 迈锡尼人World is a dense, somewhat intimidating book, in particular if 上 e is an archaeologist like this reviewer and not a Linear B specialist. But like many Mycenologists today, 本德尔 wants to bridge the gap between text and archaeology (xiii), and works hard in 经济学 适应非专业读者。因此,本文是从考古学家的角度撰写的,该考古学家在希腊进行实地调查,研究迈锡尼的物质文化,但不是语言学家。它针对试图确定是否要进行冗长而富有挑战性但最终会有益阅读的类似学者。

经济学 amplifies 上 e chapter from 本德尔’博士论文(剑桥,2000年)。它根据严格的标准(第2章)详尽描述了线性B文档中记录的用于宗教场合消费的资源类型。宗教文字条目是指(1)描述将货物分配给诸如宴席之类的仪式事件的条目(以下统称为““banquets”); (2)包括明确的神圣或圣人名称;或(3)通常通过重新分配来表示对邪教场所或人员的支持“ordinary”富丽堂皇的资源。在第3章–6, 本德尔 compiles a catalogue of these entries, which allows her to measure (in Mycenaean units) the number and amounts of goods dedicated by the palace to religious purposes. The immediate goal of this exercise is to track palatial support for the religious sector—这出奇的薄弱—但最终目标是更好地了解更广泛的迈锡尼高原经济结构及其管理者的优先事项。

In chapter 1, 本德尔 proposes (4–9), and in chapter 7 finally concludes (284, 292), that all Mycenaean 宫殿 operated “command and 控制,” “redistributive” economies (see also L.M. 本德尔, “对佩洛斯东北建筑的重新思考:迈​​锡尼再分配中心的证据,” 阿雅 107 [2003] 181–232). Different 宫殿 may have collected different kinds of goods in different amounts, for slightly different purposes, but they all employed redistribution as the means of acquiring these goods. 本德尔’的数据表明某些商品—占记录总数的相对较小的百分比—were acquired by the 宫殿 and redistributed to priests, sanctuaries, and for festivals, but the majority was used in other ways. What exactly was done with all the excess material and finished items collected and manufactured by the 宫殿 is rarely described in Linear B, and this is an outstanding, and fascinating, mystery: Were they buried with the dead? Shipped overseas? Gifted by palatial elites to loyal secondary elites? It is 本德尔’这些问题的答案(有时是挑衅性的)是暂时的,有时是挑衅性的(贯穿第7章),这些问题构成了本书的内容,值得长期阅读。也就是说,她的理论应用和对考古数据的解释存在一些潜在的问题。

本德尔’s final conclusion—迈锡尼的宫殿是重新分配的中心 —是没有问题的,但她对政治经济学以及富丽堂皇的根源和程度的看法“control” will confuse many archaeologists, especially those trained in North American departments of anthropology. 本德尔 argues that Mycenaean palatial elite could not have fully 控制led a state’领土和人民,但宫殿仍然是任何迈锡尼地区的主要经济力量(8–9). Both of these assertions are debatable; some chiefdoms and archaic state systems did fully 控制 territory and people—so, too, could 迈锡尼人palaces, and if they 是 not in full 控制, there is no reason to believe they 是 the dominant economic force, in particular over the long term. What is potentially confusing here is that many archaeologists use Timothy Earle’关于重新分配的讨论,作为一般了解重新分配的参考点—and indeed 本德尔 does cite Earle’关于夏威夷酋长制的开创性论文(在Earle和Ericson编辑, 史前的交换系统 [纽约1977]。但是她很少引用他后来关于政治经济学,印加州和丹麦青铜时代的跨文化研究中的任何内容。“warrior chiefs,” for example. She never specifically says that Mycenaean states functioned like Hawaiian complex chiefdoms, or that 迈锡尼人瓦纳克斯 举止像夏威夷酋长,但由于她唯一的参考是Earle的论文,因此我们必须假设夏威夷是她的主要理论模型。

Hawaiian systems of redistribution 是 simple yet all encompassing; Hawaiian chiefs fully 控制led Hawaiian territory and people, in large part through their 控制 of all land and their ability to acquire agricultural surplus at will. Compared with Hawaii, the Mycenaeans employed a more complex and yet far less encompassing form of redistribution, based 上 limited systems of land tenure and selective taxation of those nonstaple materials needed for the manufacture of various prestige goods, such as textiles and perfumed oil. Staples, such as wheat, 是 grown 上 palatial lands in amounts necessary to support the palace and its retainers. Systems of mobilization like those of 迈锡尼人palaces typically do not lead to, or require, widespread economic, and therefore overt sociopolitical, domination, as was the case in Hawaii, so why does 本德尔 cling to the idea that “the Mycenaean ‘palaces’ 主要的[经济]参与者” (8 [emphasis original])? Archaeologists who study Mycenaean states from a cross-cultural, comparative perspective are usually struck by how little Mycenaean elites did 控制, and how precariously. In essence, 本德尔 treats 迈锡尼人瓦纳克斯 就像夏威夷酋长一样,实际上他似乎经营着精英的家庭经济,在任何一个迈锡尼(次要)州中,都属于其中之一(参见M.B. Cosmopoulos“迈锡尼国家的政治格局: 阿普 和皮洛斯(Pylos)的较新省,” 阿雅 110 [2006] 205–28日,在Mycenaean Iklaina的发掘中—probably Linear B 阿普—靠近佩洛斯(Pylos)),所有这些都通过网络,财富融资,并且可能具有很高的竞争力。

So, was 迈锡尼人瓦纳克斯 at all like a Hawaiian chief? The Linear B tablets are not much help in answering this question; they are relatively mute when it comes to the precise mechanisms whereby raw materials 是 moved to the palace, and the disposition of most finished prestige goods. Archaeological data must be used to fill 缺口 in the tablets, which is what 本德尔 essentially does. In fact, these data lead away from the Polynesian 重新分配 model, but this is not how 本德尔 interprets them. With regard to land tenure at Pylos, 本德尔 argues that, although the tablets 上 ly record palatial 控制 of land in the hinterland of 普罗, in fact the palace must have 控制led large tracts of land elsewhere in the region (76). However, according to Earle (酋长如何掌权:史前政治经济学 [Stanford 1997]),夏威夷酋长通过控制灌溉系统来控制普通土地。迈锡尼精英阶层没有同等的手段来控制平民土地,并且可能没有这样做。在这种情况下,线性B间隙可能是真实的间隙。问题不在于迈锡尼宫殿是否可以控制所有土地,而是是否有必要。答案是不。夏威夷酋长经营的主要金融体系(Earle,1997年)要求对所有土地和所有剩余农业生产进行控制。迈锡尼各州,尤其是在大陆上,不需要收取农业盈余来为其运营筹集资金,因此未收任何盈余。所以the“grain harvest”差距(261)是真实的差距。如果事实上迈锡尼人正在收集大量的小麦过剩(就像他们似乎在克诺索斯所做的那样),我们将期望在宫殿中拥有更大的存储设施,而这些存储设施通常是缺失的(Gla是证明规则的例外)。另一个有趣的问题是,迈锡尼国家可能在多大程度上试图控制其直接权限范围之外的产业。例如,Pylos是否控制了区域陶瓷系统?本德尔说不(282–83)—因此,线性B证据中的差距—我通常会同意;我在书中得出了类似的结论 内斯特’s Wine Cups (Oxford 1999)。但是她继续说“[t]here is no reason to believe that any palace was interested in (or would benefit from) producing pottery for the entire polity it 控制led”(282)。这是完全错误的。实际上,我们可以再次引用Earle(D’Altroy and Earle, CurrAnthr 26 [1985] 187–206; see also D’Altroy and Bishop, 美国 55 [1990] 120–38), this time with regard to the Inka empire, which did try to 控制 pottery production entirely and probably largely succeeded. The proper question again is not whether a Mycenaean palace could have 控制led pottery production but whether it was necessary.

本德尔(Bendall)试图根据考古数据(主要在第7章中)填补线性B的其他空白,但考古工作违背了她的结论。她的分析表明,在皮洛斯(Pylos),所有制成品中,最有可能将香料橄榄油用作宗教用品,71–100%记录在平板电脑中(102)。 本德尔随后指出,必应在Pylos生产大量额外的香精油并进行分配,但在线性B中未记录(102)。–4, 138–39)。该论点部分基于对Pylos和Knossos的油片的比较,后者记录了非宗教和宗教支出,其中12–46%是产品(139)。为什么会有这种差异?在克诺索斯(Knossos)和皮洛斯(Pylos)如何使用非宗教的香料油?本德尔辩称交易了过多的香水(270–71). If so, the “final use”线性B中没有记录用于贸易的石油数量,在Pylos或Knossos中也没有记录一般的国际贸易。但是,我们确实有线性B–刻有在整个爱琴海及其他地区交易的马stir罐。这些罐子盛有香料橄榄油,因此可以断定确实有多余的油被交易了。这些罐子都是克里特岛的。没有人来自皮洛斯。实际上,在地中海东部所有迈锡尼陶器的化学和岩石学特征中,都没有来自皮洛斯。因此,即使有的话,似乎也不太可能使Pylian香料油大量进入国际市场。另一个解释是,差异—the gaps—线性B中的Pylos和Knossos记录是真实而有意义的,并且指向两个不同的经济系统。克诺索斯(Knossos)的迈锡尼人(Mycenaeans)可以交易其大部分香料油(以及纺织品),因为他们的州是主要资金来源。因此,与迈洛斯大陆地区的比洛斯(Pylos)相比,克诺索斯(Knossos)似乎已经向宫殿运送了大量谷物,展现出截然不同的区域安置制度,并使用了大量“collectors,”并拥有大群绵羊。考虑到早期的Minoan系统使用的是大宗融资,并且是迈锡尼人采用的,因此,由大笔资助的Mycenaean Knossos很有意义。 yl南国家是由财富资助的。香精油,纺织品和其他信誉商品在该州内部消费。大部分财富流向了精英坟墓,其中一些财富可能已经流到了次要精英阶层。无论如何,再次 瓦纳克斯 不太像夏威夷酋长。实际上,他的举止很像丹麦首领厄尔([1997] 97–102) studied at Thy, whose power was weak and based almost entirely 上 access to, and 控制 of, wealth items. Mycenaean-dominated Knossos is reminiscent of Inka-dominated Mantaro, where a subject population was forced to contribute to a staple-financed system that fed a specialized, highly managed, extraregional political economy (Earle [1997] 96–7).

是什么使得 经济学 an important piece of research is not 本德尔’s interpretations of her data but the data itself. What allows 本德尔’s interpretations, and mine above, is her brilliant ability to catalogue and clearly organize and present huge amounts of Linear B data. In this publication, she has done Aegean prehistory a huge service. We may disagree 上 the meanings of the data (and 缺口 revealed therein), but anyone who reads 本德尔’本书将在其价值,对细节的细致关注以及重新分析方面达成一致。我非常期待下一部分。

迈克尔·L·加拉蒂
Millsaps College
北大街1701号
密西西比州杰克逊39210
galatml@millsaps.edu

的书评 经济学 of Religion in 迈锡尼人World: Resources Dedicated to Religion in 迈锡尼人Palace Economy, by Lisa Marie 本德尔

评论者:Michael L. Galaty

美国考古学杂志 卷113,No.2(2009年4月)

在线发布于 www.ajaonline.org/book-review/611

DOI: 10.3764 / ajaonline1132。

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