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罗马裸体:公元前200年的英雄肖像雕像–A.D. 300

罗马裸体:公元前200年的英雄肖像雕像–A.D. 300

By Christopher H. 哈雷特. Pp. xxi + 391, figs. 12, pls. 160. Oxford University Press, New York 2005. $150. ISBN 0-19-924049-3 (cloth).

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哈雷特’s study provides a rich cultural framework for the interpretation and reception of heroic 人像. 哈雷特 not 上 ly explores how ancient Romans approached and manipulated nude and seminude likenesses but also probes modern responses to these images, which often dismiss them as aesthetically jarring or even as kitsch. Like Stewart’s 罗马社会的雕像 (Oxford 2004), 哈雷特’本研究避开了更多传统的类型学方法,而是进行了广泛的综合研究,强调了这些图像的强大艺术和社会影响。

哈莱特(Hallett)主要研究裸体肖像或部分裸体男性肖像,他在前两章中找到了古典和希腊时期希腊艺术实践的起源(“The Greek Background” and “希腊艺术中的裸体肖像”)。继Larissa Bonfante之后,Hallett将裸露定性为服装。裸露,“希腊文化最重要的标志之一,”(8)具有英雄,理想和痛苦的一面,在视觉艺术中,可以在公元前460年后赋予一种史诗般的地位。哈莱特(Hallett)解析出现在葬礼浮雕,雕像和其他荣誉纪念碑中的各种裸体画像服装,包括“裸体运动服装” and “nude with weapons,”他细分为猎人和战士。裸体表示可以包括披肩衣,这些披肩以标准构图类型捆扎在左肩上并包裹在左臂上,例如Richelieu Hermes或Farnese Hermes。随后,通过增加属性(包括马其顿人引入的紫色衣着),以及通过调整姿势来适应古希腊统治者的形象,如那不勒斯有角的统治者(可能是德米特里·波利奥切特斯)。其他作品也可以是完全裸露的作品,例如Terme直尺,尽管学术界普遍认为该青铜器是罗马肖像是正确的。最终,希腊人“portraits”保持高度理想化,因此与他们的裸体完全相辅相成,这使他们与罗马人的身分明显区分开来。

在第3章(“罗马对裸体的态度”), 哈雷特 documents evolving reactions to physical nudity in wide-ranging literary sources, from Ennius, Cato, and Cicero to Martial and Tacitus. Initially uncomfortable with most forms of public nudity, by the Neronian period, Romans viewed the phenomenon as unremarkable, at least at the baths. Attitudes toward nudity in art, however, clearly did not coincide with Latin authors’一贯谴责公共裸体。到民国后期,裸露在雕塑,绘画和宝石中已普遍存在。屋大维以各种媒体上的裸照而获得荣誉,包括在论坛上庆祝他在瑙洛丘斯战胜塞克托斯·庞培的胜利的镀金青铜肖像,但他禁止妇女’为纪念Actium参加胜利比赛,可能是由于运动员’ nudity.

哈雷特 maintains that the earliest nude 人像 of Romans, beginning in the second century B.C.E., essentially adopted established Greek forms and practices (ch. 4, “罗马人对裸体画像的采用”). Surviving sculpted representations, however, suggest that the Romans adapted and reformulated Greek models to create a dramatically new and semantically charged mode of self-representation. Although discussions about fully nude 人像 and those with mantle draped around the hips have traditionally been divorced, 哈雷特 perceptively presents them as closely interrelated and sees the hip-mantle portrait as an “adjustment”全裸肖像的肖像。然而,到了共和时代后期,由于它被用在著名的站立木星作品中(如在第二世纪的CE版《马西莫宫》中所看到的那样),这种披风服装并没有哈雷特所概括的那样英勇。 Terme,案号:80641)。蒂沃利将军正是指的是这种构图类型,具有视觉素养的观众会发现使用木星精心校准的胜利将军方程—正是在凯旋游行中体现出来的方程式。蒂沃利(Tivoli)雕像不仅采用希腊英雄肖像惯例,而且将其理想的木星身体与逼真的渲染头部结合在一起,其突出的衰老迹象传达出抽象的概念,例如 Gravitas,Auctoritas,severitas和dignitas。由此产生的凝聚形象体现了一种细微的罗马成语,与希腊的前辈截然不同。

第5章(“帝国下的裸体画像”) attempts to answer the question, Why were a large number of Romans, including the emperor, depicted nude rather than in contemporary clothing? In Roman portrait statues and busts, individual identity lies exclusively in the head. The bodies themselves are never intended as likenesses reflecting the somatic or sartorial realities of the sitter, but, as 哈雷特 acknowledges, they are highly artificial “costumes”(或道具),旨在通过其他图像信息来丰富图像。

At the beginning of his principate, Augustus renounced fully nude representations in favor of togate, cuirassed, and equestrian 人像. Images of later emperors continued to employ the hip mantle, often in standing or enthroned Jupiter compositions reflecting the cult image of Jupiter Optimus Maximus Capitolinus. Indeed, 哈雷特 underscores that the enthroned portrait of the ruler is a Roman innovation and has no specific connections to 奉献 , as three enthroned 人像 of Tiberius are extant. Most surviving statues that use the standing Jupiter composition depict Augustus or Claudius, although it is used at least 上 ce by Domitian in a statue subsequently refashioned as Nerva (Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, inv. no. 1454) and later in the third century for pendant statues of Balbinus and Pupienus from Piraeus. Although the Jupiter compositions were exclusive to emperors, nude representations in statues, busts, reliefs, and sarcophagi were produced for elite and nonelite patrons. Nude bust forms were used extensively for men but 上 ly rarely for women (i.e., Antistia Plutia in a relief in the British Museum, or Oppia Myrsine in a relief in the Palazzo Altemps). Nude statues of women, mostly in the guise of Venus, were produced in vastly fewer numbers (16 vs. 320, by 哈雷特’数)。裸体女性画像主要限于意大利,因此是另一项没有希腊先例的罗马创新。

第6章(“裸露和神圣的符号”) makes important contributions to the 上 going debates surrounding theomorphic images and the emperor cult. 哈雷特 persuasively argues that depictions of emperors with 迪维 ne attributes are visually distinct from representations of 迪维 硬币几乎总是代表 迪维 as togate and veiled, which 哈雷特 has cleverly described as the “ 潜水 服装。”像大凸轮一样,奥古斯都的肖像也可以添加辐射状的冠冕 é法国或威尼斯首领(Museo Archeologico,inv。no。200)。皇帝,皇后和其他皇室成员的神态形象是变化无常的,并不是要从字面上体现神性,而只是为了“全景比较” that deliberately blur the boundaries between human and 迪维 ne. The frequency of theomorphic images begins to increase under Caligula, as there are several of his marble 人像 using the standing and seated Jupiter 习性 被改成了奥古斯都或克劳迪斯的头像。马克西蒂纳斯和君士坦丁大教堂的君士坦丁大雕像坐像,是最后一个幸存下来的使用神像的帝国形象。 习性 在罗马。然而,这幅肖像具有悠久的历史,因为它最初描绘了哈德良,后来被重新配置为马克西蒂努斯,最后将其重新制作成君士坦丁。它的未正确恢复的右手食指应该像其他手指一样弯曲,以握住已登基的木星擎天柱马克西普斯·Capitolinus组合的权杖。神形图像的符号学灵活性确保了它们被罗马社会广泛采用,在葬礼艺术中,它模糊了凡人与不朽之间的区别,“为死者提供悼念”而不是像Henning Wrede和其他人所提出的私人神化。

哈雷特’s final chapter (“了解罗马裸体”)回到一开始就涉及罗马人的基本问题’ own conceptions of likeness and modern readings of nude 人像 as disconcerting and incongruous. While current Romanist scholarship (firmly rooted in contextualization) is unlikely to yield disparaging comments 上 theomorphic images of Commodus as Hercules or Claudius as Jupiter, like those of Sir Mortimer Wheeler (or more recently Neils Hannestad and the Ramages), 哈雷特 probes the modern sensibilities engendering such responses. Clearly the negative receptions of images of “bad” emperors like Commodus are informed by hostile readings of ancient authors. According to 哈雷特, 20th- and 21st-century attitudes toward totalitarianism and propagandistic art fuel the feelings of unease that modern viewers can evince for the stark hybridity of Roman nude images. In addition, class prejudice may also influence the dismissal of many nude statues of freedman as the questionable artistic choices of the newly rich. Roman audiences, however, were clearly able to accept these images without difficulty. Ultimately, Roman nude 人像 exploited their own hybrid aesthetic to its fullest communicative potential.

Hallet总结了13个附录,这些附录包括对附录的简要讨论。 paludamentum 托加皮塔 , and scale armor to specific 人像 and previous scholarship 上 the Roman nude. Appendix B is essentially a list of the 342 nude or seminude 人像 known to 哈雷特, subdivided both chronologically and typologically. While the appendices provide a wealth of learned information and interpretation, more could have been directly incorporated into his notes, and Appendix B would have been more helpful as a proper catalogue. These are minor criticisms, however, and 哈雷特’这本书对于罗马学的广泛研究具有极其重要的基础意义,既可以仔细地研究其题材,也可以巧妙地涉及到罗马画像的更多问题。

埃里克·瓦纳
艺术史与古典学系
Emory University
乔治亚州亚特兰大30322
evarner@emory.edu

的书评 罗马裸体:公元前200年的英雄肖像雕像–A.D. 300, by Christopher H. 哈雷特

埃里克·瓦尔纳(Eric R. Varner)评论

美国考古学杂志 卷113,第1号(2009年1月)

在线发布于 www.ajaonline.org/book-review/600

DOI: 10.3764 / ajaonline1131.Varner

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